What would it mean in the context of preparing for world socialist revolution if the government of a particular nation state is already meeting the social and cultural needs of its working class to the satisfaction of that class?
The ICFI/SEP program and party of world socialist revolution should carefully examine the contemporary relationship between the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Chinese working class, if for no other reason than the sheer size of the relationship. The number of CPC party members is at least >90 million, the number of Chinese working class is well over >1 billion or about 18% of the total international working class. Even though this relationship between a Chinese ruling class and its working class population is confined within a single nation state that has long since decided to participate in the globalised capitalist market place, the relationship is nevertheless worthy of careful examination if for no other reason than the CPC claiming that – ‘The Communist Party of China is the vanguard of China’s working class, the Chinese people, and the Chinese nation. Serving the people wholeheartedly is its abiding mission. The country is the people and the people are the country. The Party’s struggle to found a new China and develop it is for the people. Of the people, by the people, for the people – this is what has guided the CPC from victory to victory over the past century’. (CPC Mission and Contributions Statement Aug 2021).
An honest and careful examination of the relationship between the CPC and the Chinese working class to determine to what extent the social and cultural needs of not only the Chinese working class but the whole population of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) might now be meeting their satisfaction and if so, for how long? This then could also be a reliable indicator as to what level of trust and confidence exists between the CPC and the Chinese working class and possibly thereby the mood of the Chinese population in general.
When considering the relationship between the CPC and the Chinese population in general, it should be noted that the form of governance is different to that adopted by most if not all other nation states. Formally being identified as a communist party the CPC applies the political principle of ‘democratic centralism’ to its governance of the PRC, which in theory at least enables democracy from the bottom (the people) up, resulting in a form of ‘centralism’ at the top (the central committee, the politburo and its standing committee) that depends on a relatively strict level of discipline throughout (up and down) Chinese society eg; – ‘Since its 18th National Congress, the CPC has set Eight Criteria to ensure that China’s political system is a democratic one that delivers, and these criteria underpin the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics.. Instituted by the CPC, the system of people’s congresses is China’s fundamental political system. The Party fully solicits the views of the people and heeds their voices, and formulates its policies accordingly.’ (CPC Mission and Contributions Statement Aug 2021).
NB: This is the same political principle that is applied by the ICFI/SEP program and party of world socialist revolution and presumably would also be applied to the governance of any future Federation of United Socialist States..
When considering the contemporary relationship between the CPC and the Chinese working class in particular, special attention should also be paid to how the CPC is managing the Chinese economy, particularly how it manages what is proving to be its greatest challenge and possibly its weakest link, capital-ism. For example, to what extent is the CPC able to retain state ownership of what it regards as the ‘more essential’ components of the Chinese economy (eg; The People’s Bank of China) and to what extent is it able to mitigate or at least contain the inevitable social inequality and political pressure that comes with allowing private ownership, capital-ism, and the emergence of billionaires, even if such private ownership is restricted to ‘less essential’ components at a so called periphery of the economy?
Even if such an examination of the contemporary relationship between the CPC and the Chinese working class reveals that a gradual improvement has taken place over several decades and that it currently enjoys a relatively high level of satisfaction, trust and confidence, it will be how well the CPC can manage what it refers to as China’s ‘Socialist Market Economy’ and the almost inevitable domestic social inequality that comes with it, that will determine whether or not such a relatively high level of satisfaction will continue.
Be this as it may, the ICFI/SEP – IWA-RFC program and strategy of world socialist revolution should not just sit back and wait for any crises to occur in China before initiating the formation of rank and file committees in the Chinese workplace and on campus. The information gained from a careful examination of the relationship between the CPC and the Chinese working class could also provide good reason why the Chinese working class should form such independent rank and file committees eg; to ensure that the CPC remains true to its altruistic claims, to be an example to the whole international working class of how and why a globalised capital-ism must be replaced by a world socialism sooner rather than later, because later will probably be too late.
Spring Equinox 2021